History Manifest Destiny Anticipation Guide
Station #3: Manifest Destiny Anticipation Guide Westward Expansion Directions: 1. First, take a copy of the Anticipation Guide from the folder. Read each statement on the paper, then answer “Agree” or “Disagree” on the column on the left.
Next, read the articles ”What was Manifest Destiny” and “Why did the Mormons Move West?” on the handout. Now, return to your Anticipation Guide.
In the column on the right, answer “Agree” or “Disagree” to the statements. For statements that you “disagree” with, correct the statement with information from the article.
This activity is worth 20 points.
. In the 19th century, manifest destiny was a widely held belief in the that its settlers were destined to expand across. There are three basic themes to manifest destiny:. The special virtues of the American people and their institutions. The mission of the United States to redeem and remake the west in the image of America. An irresistible destiny to accomplish this essential duty Historian says this concept was born out of 'a sense of mission to redeem the Old World by high example. Generated by the potentialities of a new earth for building a new heaven'.
Historians have emphasized that 'manifest destiny' was a contested concept— pre-civil war endorsed the idea but many prominent Americans (such as, and most ) rejected it. Historian writes, 'American imperialism did not represent an American consensus; it provoked bitter dissent within the national polity. Whigs saw America's moral mission as one of democratic example rather than one of conquest.' Newspaper editor is generally credited with coining the term manifest destiny in 1845 to describe the essence of this mindset, which was a rhetorical tone; however, the unsigned editorial titled 'Annexation' in which it first appeared was arguably written by journalist and annexation advocate. The term was used by in the 1840s to justify the and it was also used to divide half of with the.
But manifest destiny always limped along because of its internal limitations and the issue of slavery, says Merk. It never became a national priority.
By 1843, former U.S. President, originally a major supporter of the concept underlying manifest destiny, had changed his mind and repudiated because it meant the expansion of slavery in Texas. Merk concluded: From the outset Manifest Destiny—vast in program, in its sense of —was slight in support. It lacked national, sectional, or party following commensurate with its magnitude. The reason was it did not reflect the national spirit. The thesis that it embodied nationalism, found in much historical writing, is backed by little real supporting evidence. Contents.
Context There was never a set of principles defining manifest destiny, therefore it was always a general idea rather than a specific policy made with a motto. Ill-defined but keenly felt, manifest destiny was an expression of conviction in the morality and value of expansionism that complemented other popular ideas of the era, including and., who spoke of 'extending the area of freedom', typified the conflation of America's potential greatness, the nation's budding sense of Romantic self-identity, and its expansion.
Yet Jackson would not be the only president to elaborate on the principles underlying manifest destiny. Owing in part to the lack of a definitive narrative outlining its rationale, proponents offered divergent or seemingly conflicting viewpoints. While many writers focused primarily upon American expansionism, be it into Mexico or across the Pacific, others saw the term as a call to example.
Without an agreed upon interpretation, much less an elaborated political philosophy, these conflicting views of America's destiny were never resolved. This variety of possible meanings was summed up by Ernest Lee Tuveson: 'A vast complex of ideas, policies, and actions is comprehended under the phrase 'Manifest Destiny'. They are not, as we should expect, all compatible, nor do they come from any one source.' Origin of the term. Sketched in 1874, was an influential columnist as a young man, but he is now generally remembered only for his use of the phrase 'manifest destiny' to advocate the annexation of Texas and Oregon. Journalist was an influential advocate for and a complex character, described by as 'always full of grand and world-embracing schemes'.
O'Sullivan wrote an article in 1839 that, while not using the term 'manifest destiny', did predict a 'divine destiny' for the United States based upon values such as equality, rights of conscience, and personal enfranchisement 'to establish on earth the moral dignity and salvation of man'. This destiny was not explicitly territorial, but O'Sullivan predicted that the United States would be one of a 'Union of many Republics' sharing those values. Six years later, in 1845, O'Sullivan wrote another essay titled Annexation in the Democratic Review, in which he first used the phrase manifest destiny. In this article he urged the U.S. To the, not only because Texas desired this, but because it was 'our manifest destiny to overspread the continent allotted by for the free development of our yearly multiplying millions'.
Overcoming Whig opposition, Democrats in 1845. O'Sullivan's first usage of the phrase 'manifest destiny' attracted little attention. O'Sullivan's second use of the phrase became extremely influential. On December 27, 1845, in his newspaper the New York Morning News, O'Sullivan addressed the with Britain. O'Sullivan argued that the United States had the right to claim 'the whole of Oregon': And that claim is by the right of our manifest destiny to overspread and to possess the whole of the continent which Providence has given us for the development of the great experiment of liberty and federated self-government entrusted to us. That is, O'Sullivan believed that Providence had given the United States a mission to spread ('the great experiment of liberty').
Because Britain would not spread democracy, thought O'Sullivan, British claims to the territory should be overruled. O'Sullivan believed that manifest destiny was a moral ideal (a 'higher law') that superseded other considerations. O'Sullivan's original conception of manifest destiny was not a call for territorial expansion by force. He believed that the expansion of the United States would happen without the direction of the U.S. government or the involvement of the military. After Americans immigrated to new regions, they would set up new democratic governments, and then seek admission to the United States, as Texas had done. In 1845, O'Sullivan predicted that California would follow this pattern next, and that Canada would eventually request annexation as well.
He disapproved of the in 1846, although he came to believe that the outcome would be beneficial to both countries. Ironically, O'Sullivan's term became popular only after it was criticized by opponents of the. Whigs denounced manifest destiny, arguing, 'that the designers and supporters of schemes of conquest, to be carried on by this government, are engaged in treason to our Constitution and Declaration of Rights, giving aid and comfort to the enemies of republicanism, in that they are advocating and preaching the doctrine of the right of conquest'. On January 3, 1846, Representative ridiculed the concept in Congress, saying 'I suppose the right of a manifest destiny to spread will not be admitted to exist in any nation except the universal Yankee nation'. Winthrop was the first in a long line of critics who suggested that advocates of manifest destiny were citing 'Divine Providence' for justification of actions that were motivated by chauvinism and self-interest. Despite this criticism, expansionists embraced the phrase, which caught on so quickly that its origin was soon forgotten.
Themes and influences Historian William E. Weeks has noted that three key themes were usually touched upon by advocates of manifest destiny:. the virtue of the American people and their institutions;. the mission to spread these institutions, thereby redeeming and remaking the world in the image of the United States;.
the destiny under God to do this work. The origin of the first theme, later known as, was often traced to America's heritage, particularly 's famous ' sermon of 1630, in which he called for the establishment of a virtuous community that would be a shining example to the. In his influential 1776 pamphlet, echoed this notion, arguing that the provided an opportunity to create a new, better society: We have it in our power to begin the world over again. A situation, similar to the present, hath not happened since the days of Noah until now. The birthday of a new world is at hand. Many Americans agreed with Paine, and came to believe that the United States' virtue was a result of its special experiment in freedom and democracy. Thomas Jefferson, in a letter to, wrote, 'it is impossible not to look forward to distant times when our rapid multiplication will expand itself beyond those limits, and cover the whole northern, if not the southern continent.'
To Americans in the decades that followed their proclaimed freedom for mankind, embodied in the Declaration of Independence, could only be described as the inauguration of 'a new time scale' because the world would look back and define history as events that took place before, and after, the Declaration of Independence. It followed that Americans owed to the world an obligation to expand and preserve these beliefs. The second theme's origination is less precise. A popular expression of America's mission was elaborated by President Abraham Lincoln's description in his December 1, 1862, message to Congress. He described the United States as 'the last, best hope of Earth'. The 'mission' of the United States was further elaborated during Lincoln's, in which he interpreted the as a struggle to determine if any nation with democratic ideals could survive; this has been called by historian Robert Johannsen 'the most enduring statement of America's Manifest Destiny and mission'.
The third theme can be viewed as a natural outgrowth of the belief that God had a direct influence in the foundation and further actions of the United States., a scholar, described this view as summing 'that God, at the proper stage in the march of history, called forth certain hardy souls from the old and privilege-ridden nations. And that in bestowing his grace He also bestowed a peculiar responsibility'. Americans presupposed that they were not only divinely elected to maintain the North American continent, but also to 'spread abroad the fundamental principles stated in the Bill of Rights'. In many cases this meant neighboring colonial holdings and countries were seen as obstacles rather than the destiny God had provided the United States. Analysis of the political polarization between the and the is that: Most Democrats were wholehearted supporters of expansion, whereas many Whigs (especially in the North) were opposed.
Whigs welcomed most of the changes wrought by industrialization but advocated strong government policies that would guide growth and development within the country's existing boundaries; they feared (correctly) that expansion raised a contentious issue, the extension of slavery to the territories. On the other hand, many Democrats feared industrialization the Whigs welcomed. For many Democrats, the answer to the nation's social ills was to continue to follow Thomas Jefferson's vision of establishing agriculture in the new territories in order to counterbalance industrialization. Another possible influence is racial predominance, namely the idea that the American Anglo-Saxon race was 'separate, innately superior' and 'destined to bring good government, commercial prosperity and Christianity to the American continents and the world'. This view also held that 'inferior races were doomed to subordinate status or extinction.' This was used to justify 'the enslavement of the blacks and the expulsion and possible extermination of the Indians'. Alternative interpretations With the in 1803, which doubled the size of the United States, set the stage for the continental expansion of the United States.
Many began to see this as the beginning of a new mission: If the United States was successful as a ', people in other countries would seek to establish their own democratic republics. However, not all Americans or their political leaders believed that the United States was a divinely favored nation, or thought that it ought to expand. For example, many opposed territorial expansion based on the Democratic claim that the United States was destined to serve as a virtuous example to the rest of the world, and also had a divine obligation to spread its superordinate political system and a way of life throughout North American continent. Many in the Whig party 'were fearful of spreading out too widely', and they 'adhered to the concentration of national authority in a limited area'. In July 1848, denounced expansionist interpretation of America's future as 'mendacious'. In the mid‑19th century, expansionism, especially southward toward Cuba, also faced opposition from those Americans who were trying to abolish slavery.
As more territory was added to the United States in the following decades, 'extending the area of freedom' in the minds of southerners also meant extending the institution of slavery. That is why slavery became one of the central issues in the continental expansion of the United States before the Civil War. Before and during the Civil War both sides claimed that America's destiny were rightfully their own. Lincoln opposed anti-immigrant, and the imperialism of manifest destiny as both unjust and unreasonable.
He objected to the Mexican War and believed each of these disordered forms of patriotism threatened the inseparable moral and fraternal bonds of liberty and Union that he sought to perpetuate through a patriotic love of country guided by wisdom and critical self-awareness. Lincoln's ', June 6, 1852, provides the most cogent expression of his reflective patriotism. Era of continental expansion. Painted above in 1816 by, was an early proponent of continentalism.
Late in life he came to regret his role in helping U.S. Slavery to expand, and became a leading opponent of the annexation of Texas.
The phrase 'manifest destiny' is most often associated with the from 1812 to 1860. This era, from the end of the to the beginning of the, has been called the 'age of manifest destiny'. During this time, the United States expanded to the Pacific Ocean—'from sea to shining sea'—largely defining the borders of the as they are today. War of 1812.
Further information: One of the causes of the War of 1812 may have been an American desire to annex or threaten to annex British Canada in order to stop the Indian raids into the Midwest, expel Britain from North America, and gain additional land. The American victories at the and the in 1813 ended the Indian raids and removed one of the reasons for annexation. The American failure to occupy any significant part of Canada prevented them from annexing it for the second reason, which was largely ended by the, which ensued after the war between Britain and the United States. To end the, and (former Treasury Secretary and a leading expert on Indians) and the other American diplomats negotiated the in 1814 with Britain. They rejected the British plan to set up an Indian state in U.S. territory south of the Great Lakes. They explained the American policy toward acquisition of Indian lands: The United States, while intending never to acquire lands from the Indians otherwise than peaceably, and with their free consent, are fully determined, in that manner, progressively, and in proportion as their growing population may require, to reclaim from the state of nature, and to bring into cultivation every portion of the territory contained within their acknowledged boundaries.
In thus providing for the support of millions of civilized beings, they will not violate any dictate of justice or of humanity; for they will not only give to the few thousand savages scattered over that territory an ample equivalent for any right they may surrender, but will always leave them the possession of lands more than they can cultivate, and more than adequate to their subsistence, comfort, and enjoyment, by cultivation. If this be a spirit of aggrandizement, the undersigned are prepared to admit, in that sense, its existence; but they must deny that it affords the slightest proof of an intention not to respect the boundaries between them and European nations, or of a desire to encroach upon the territories of Great Britain. They will not suppose that that Government will avow, as the basis of their policy towards the United States a system of arresting their natural growth within their own territories, for the sake of preserving a perpetual desert for savages. A shocked, one of the British negotiators at Ghent, remarked, after coming to understand the American position on taking the Indians' land: Till I came here, I had no idea of the fixed determination which there is in the heart of every American to extirpate the Indians and appropriate their territory. Continentalism The 19th-century belief that the United States would eventually encompass all of North America is known as 'continentalism', a form of.
An early proponent of this idea, became a leading figure in U.S. Expansion between the in 1803 and the in the 1840s.
In 1811, Adams wrote to: The whole continent of North America appears to be destined by Divine Providence to be peopled by one nation, speaking one language, professing one general system of religious and political principles, and accustomed to one general tenor of social usages and customs. For the common happiness of them all, for their peace and prosperity, I believe it is indispensable that they should be associated in one federal Union.
The first as it looked prior to 1840. Painting from memory by Alfred Jacob Miller Adams did much to further this idea. He orchestrated the, which established the as far west as the Rocky Mountains, and provided for the joint occupation of the region known in American history as the and in British and Canadian history as the. He negotiated the in 1819, transferring from Spain to the United States and extending the U.S.
Border with Spanish Mexico all the way to the Pacific Ocean. And he formulated the of 1823, which warned Europe that the was no longer open for European colonization. The Monroe Doctrine and 'manifest destiny' formed a closely related nexus of principles: historian Walter McDougall calls manifest destiny a corollary of the Monroe Doctrine, because while the Monroe Doctrine did not specify expansion, expansion was necessary in order to enforce the Doctrine. Concerns in the United States that European powers (especially Great Britain) were seeking to acquire colonies or greater influence in North America led to calls for expansion in order to prevent this. In his influential 1935 study of manifest destiny, Albert Weinberg wrote: 'the expansionism of the 1830s arose as a defensive effort to forestall the encroachment of Europe in North America'. All Oregon Manifest destiny played its most important role in the between the United States and Britain, when the phrase 'manifest destiny' originated. The had provided for the joint occupation of the, and thousands of Americans migrated there in the 1840s over the.
The British rejected a proposal by U.S. President (in office 1841–1845) to divide the region along the, and instead proposed a boundary line farther south along the, which would have made most of what later became the state of part of British North America. Advocates of manifest destiny protested and called for the annexation of the entire Oregon Country up to the (54°40ʹ N). Presidential candidate used this popular outcry to his advantage, and the Democrats called for the annexation of 'All Oregon' in the. American westward expansion is idealized in 's famous painting (1861). The title of the painting, from a 1726 poem by, was a phrase often quoted in the era of manifest destiny, expressing a widely held belief that civilization had steadily moved westward throughout history.
As president, however, Polk sought compromise and renewed the earlier offer to divide the territory in half along the 49th parallel, to the dismay of the most ardent advocates of manifest destiny. When the British refused the offer, American expansionists responded with slogans such as 'The Whole of Oregon or None!'
And 'Fifty-Four Forty or Fight!' , referring to the northern border of the region. (The latter slogan is often mistakenly described as having been a part of the 1844 presidential campaign.) When Polk moved to terminate the joint occupation agreement, the British finally agreed in early 1846 to divide the region along the 49th parallel, leaving the lower Columbia basin as part of the United States. The of 1846 formally settled the dispute; Polk's administration succeeded in selling the treaty to Congress because the United States was about to begin the, and the president and others argued it would be foolish.
Despite the earlier clamor for 'All Oregon', the Oregon Treaty was popular in the United States and was easily ratified by the Senate. The most fervent advocates of manifest destiny had not prevailed along the northern border because, according to, 'the compass of manifest destiny pointed west and southwest, not north, despite the use of the term 'continentalism '. In 1869, American historian published in the, arguing that the efforts of early American fur traders and missionaries presaged American control of Oregon.
She concluded the article as follows: “ It was an oversight on the part of the United States, the giving up the island of Quadra and Vancouver, on the settlement of the boundary question. Yet, 'what is to be, will be', as some realist has it; and we look for the restoration of that picturesque and rocky atom of our former territory as inevitable. ” Mexico and Texas Manifest destiny played an important role in the expansion of Texas and American relationship with.
Us History Manifest Destiny Definition
In 1836, the from Mexico and, after the, sought to join the United States as a new state. This was an idealized process of expansion that had been advocated from Jefferson to O'Sullivan: newly democratic and independent states would request entry into the United States, rather than the United States extending its government over people who did not want it. The annexation of Texas was attacked by anti-slavery spokesmen because it would add another slave state to the Union. Presidents Andrew Jackson and Martin Van Buren declined Texas's offer to join the United States in part because the slavery issue threatened to divide the Democratic Party.
Before the election of 1844, Whig candidate and the presumed Democratic candidate, former President Van Buren, both declared themselves opposed to the annexation of Texas, each hoping to keep the troublesome topic from becoming a campaign issue. This unexpectedly led to Van Buren being dropped by the Democrats in favor of Polk, who favored annexation. Polk tied the Texas annexation question with the Oregon dispute, thus providing a sort of regional compromise on expansion. (Expansionists in the North were more inclined to promote the occupation of Oregon, while Southern expansionists focused primarily on the annexation of Texas.) Although elected by a very slim margin, Polk proceeded as if his victory had been a mandate for expansion. All Mexico.
American occupation of Mexico City in 1847 After the election of Polk, but before he took office, Congress approved the. Polk moved to occupy a portion of Texas that had in 1836, but was still claimed by Mexico. This paved the way for the outbreak of the on April 24, 1846. With American successes on the battlefield, by the summer of 1847 there were calls for the annexation of 'All Mexico', particularly among Eastern Democrats, who argued that bringing Mexico into the Union was the best way to ensure future peace in the region. This was a controversial proposition for two reasons.
First, idealistic advocates of manifest destiny like John L. O'Sullivan had always maintained that the laws of the United States should not be imposed on people against their will. The annexation of 'All Mexico' would be a violation of this principle. And secondly, the annexation of Mexico was controversial because it would mean extending U.S. citizenship to millions of Mexicans. Senator of South Carolina, who had approved of the annexation of Texas, was opposed to the annexation of Mexico, as well as the 'mission' aspect of manifest destiny, for racial reasons. He made these views clear in a speech to Congress on January 4, 1848: We have never dreamt of incorporating into our Union any but the Caucasian race—the free white race.
To incorporate Mexico, would be the very first instance of the kind, of incorporating an Indian race; for more than half of the Mexicans are Indians, and the other is composed chiefly of mixed tribes. I protest against such a union as that! Ours, sir, is the Government of a white race. We are anxious to force free government on all; and I see that it has been urged. That it is the mission of this country to spread civil and religious liberty over all the world, and especially over this continent. It is a great mistake. This debate brought to the forefront one of the contradictions of manifest destiny: on the one hand, while identitarian ideas inherent in manifest destiny suggested that Mexicans, as non-whites, would present a threat to white racial integrity and thus were not qualified to become Americans, the 'mission' component of manifest destiny suggested that Mexicans would be improved (or 'regenerated', as it was then described) by bringing them into American democracy.
Identitarianism was used to promote manifest destiny, but, as in the case of Calhoun and the resistance to the 'All Mexico' movement, identitarianism was also used to oppose manifest destiny. Conversely, proponents of annexation of 'All Mexico' regarded it as an anti-slavery measure. Growth from 1840 to 1850 The controversy was eventually ended by the, which added the territories of and to the United States, both more sparsely populated than the rest of Mexico.
Like the All Oregon movement, the All Mexico movement quickly abated. Historian, in Manifest Destiny and Mission in American History: A Reinterpretation (1963), argued that the failure of the 'All Oregon' and 'All Mexico' movements indicates that manifest destiny had not been as popular as historians have traditionally portrayed it to have been. Merk wrote that, while belief in the beneficent mission of democracy was central to American history, aggressive 'continentalism' were aberrations supported by only a minority of Americans, all of them Democrats. Some Democrats were also opposed; the Democrats of Louisiana opposed annexation of Mexico, while those in Mississippi supported it. Filibusterism After the Mexican–American War ended in 1848, disagreements over the expansion of slavery made further annexation by conquest too divisive to be official government policy.
Some, such as, governor of Mississippi, offered what public support they could offer. In one memorable case, Quitman simply explained that the state of Mississippi had 'lost' its state arsenal, which began showing up in the hands of filibusters. Yet these isolated cases only solidified opposition in the North as many Northerners were increasingly opposed to what they believed to be efforts by Southern slave owners—and their friends in the North—to expand slavery through.
On January 24, 1859, delivered an impassioned speech at, that the connection between filibustering and slave power was clear proof of 'the mass of corruption that underlay the whole system of American government'. The and the continued ' narratives thereafter, indicated the degree to which manifest destiny had become part of the sectional controversy. Without official government support the most radical advocates of manifest destiny increasingly turned to.
Originally filibuster had come from the Dutch vrijbuiter and referred to buccaneers in the West Indies that preyed on Spanish commerce. While there had been some filibustering expeditions into Canada in the late 1830s, it was only by mid-century did filibuster become a definitive term. By then, declared the 'the fever of Fillibusterism is on our country. Her pulse beats like a hammer at the wrist, and there's a very high color on her face.' Millard Fillmore's second annual message to Congress, submitted in December 1851, gave double the amount of space to filibustering activities than the brewing sectional conflict. The eagerness of the filibusters, and the public to support them, had an international hue. Clay's son, diplomat to Portugal, reported that Lisbon had been stirred into a 'frenzy' of excitement and were waiting on every dispatch.
Settlers in North Dakota in front of their homestead, a The Homestead Act of 1862 encouraged 600,000 families to settle the West by giving them land (usually 160 ) almost free. They had to live on and improve the land for five years. Before the Civil War, Southern leaders opposed the because they feared it would lead to more free states and free territories. After the mass resignation of Southern senators and representatives at the beginning of the war, Congress was subsequently able to pass the Homestead Act. Native Americans. Across The Continent, an 1868 lithograph illustrating the westward expansion of white settlers Manifest destiny had serious consequences for, since continental expansion implicitly meant the occupation and annexation of Native American land, sometimes to expand slavery. This ultimately led to confrontations and wars with several groups of native peoples via.
The United States continued the European practice of recognizing only limited land rights of. In a policy formulated largely by, in the Washington Administration, the U.S. government sought to expand into the west through the purchase of Native American land in treaties. Only the Federal Government could purchase Indian lands and this was done through treaties with tribal leaders. Whether a tribe actually had a decision-making structure capable of making a treaty was a controversial issue. The national policy was for the Indians to join American society and become 'civilized', which meant no more wars with neighboring tribes or raids on white settlers or travelers, and a shift from hunting to farming and ranching.
Ideas Of Manifest Destiny
Advocates of civilization programs believed that the process of settling native tribes would greatly reduce the amount of land needed by the Native Americans, making more land available for homesteading by white Americans. Believed that while American Indians were the intellectual equals of whites, they had to live like the whites or inevitably be pushed aside by them. Jefferson's belief, rooted in thinking, that whites and Native Americans would merge to create a single nation did not last his lifetime, and he began to believe that the natives should emigrate across the and maintain a separate society, an idea made possible by the of 1803.
In the age of manifest destiny, this idea, which came to be known as ', gained ground. Humanitarian advocates of removal believed that American Indians would be better off moving away from whites. As historian Reginald Horsman argued in his influential study Race and Manifest Destiny, racial rhetoric increased during the era of manifest destiny. Americans increasingly believed that Native American ways of life would 'fade away' as the United States expanded. As an example, this idea was reflected in the work of one of America's first great historians, whose landmark book was published in 1851. Parkman wrote that after the British conquest of Canada in 1760, Indians were 'destined to melt and vanish before the advancing waves of Anglo-American power, which now rolled westward unchecked and unopposed'. Parkman emphasized that the collapse of Indian power in the late 18th century had been swift and was a past event.
Beyond North America. Of the in 1898 As the Civil War faded into history, the term manifest destiny experienced a brief revival. Protestant missionary, in his best seller of 1885, argued that the future was devolved upon America since it had perfected the ideals of civil liberty, 'a pure spiritual Christianity', and concluded, 'My plea is not, Save America for America's sake, but, Save America for the world's sake.' In the, the platform proclaimed: 'We reaffirm our approval of the and believe in the achievement of the manifest destiny of the Republic in its broadest sense.'
What was meant by 'manifest destiny' in this context was not clearly defined, particularly since the Republicans lost the election. In the, however, the Republicans recaptured the White House and held on to it for the next 16 years. During that time, manifest destiny was cited to promote. Whether or not this version of manifest destiny was consistent with the continental expansionism of the 1840s was debated at the time, and long afterwards. For example, when President advocated annexation of the in 1898, he said that 'We need Hawaii as much and a good deal more than we did California. It is manifest destiny.'
On the other hand, former President, a Democrat who had blocked the annexation of Hawaii during his administration, wrote that McKinley's annexation of the territory was a 'perversion of our national destiny'. Historians continued that debate; some have interpreted American acquisition of other Pacific island groups in the 1890s as an extension of manifest destiny across the. Others have regarded it as the antithesis of manifest destiny and merely. Spanish–American War and the Philippines.
A cartoon of seated in restaurant looking at the bill of fare containing 'Cuba steak', 'Porto Rico pig', the 'Philippine Islands' and the 'Sandwich Islands' (Hawaii). In 1898, the United States intervened in the Cuban insurrection and launched the to force Spain out. According to the terms of the, Spain relinquished sovereignty over Cuba and ceded the, and to the United States. The terms of cession for the Philippines involved a payment of the sum of $20 million by the United States to Spain. The treaty was highly contentious and denounced by, who tried to make it a central issue He was defeated in landslide by McKinley.
The, passed unanimously by the U.S. Senate before the war, which proclaimed Cuba 'free and independent', forestalled annexation of the island. The (1902), however, established Cuba as a virtual of the United States. The acquisition of, and the after the war with marked a new chapter in U.S. history. Traditionally, territories were acquired by the United States for the purpose of becoming new states on equal footing with already existing states. These islands, however, were acquired as rather than prospective states.
The process was validated by the. The Supreme Court ruled that full constitutional rights did not automatically extend to all areas under American control. Nevertheless, in 1917, Puerto Ricans were all made full American citizens via the. This also provided for a popularly elected legislature and a bill of rights, and authorized the election of a Resident Commissioner who has a voice (but no vote) in Congress. According to Frederick Merk, these colonial acquisitions marked a break from the original intention of manifest destiny.
Previously, 'Manifest Destiny had contained a principle so fundamental that a Calhoun and an O'Sullivan could agree on it—that a people not capable of rising to statehood should never be annexed. That was the principle thrown overboard by the imperialism of 1899.' Maintained the contrary at his September 25, 1900, speech in the Auditorium, at Chicago. He declared that the current desire for Cuba and the other acquired territories was identical to the views expressed by Washington, Jefferson and Marshall. Moreover, 'the sovereignty of the Stars and Stripes can be nothing but a blessing to any people and to any land.' The Philippines was eventually given its independence in 1946; Guam and Puerto Rico have special status to this day, but all their people have United States citizenship.
The English poet wrote ' to Americans, calling on them to take up their share of the burden. Subtitled 'The United States and the Philippine Islands', it was a widely noted expression of imperialist sentiments, which were common at the time. The nascent desirous of independence, however, resisted the United States in the in 1899; it won no support from any government anywhere and collapsed when its leader was captured.
Denounced the war and any form of overseas expansion, writing, 'Destiny' is not as manifest as it was a few weeks ago.' Legacy and consequences The belief in an American mission to promote and defend democracy throughout the world, as expounded by and his ', and continued by, and, continues to have an influence on American political ideology. Under, the Americans 'were imbued with a sense of manifest destiny' says historian John Dower. S intentions to influence the area (especially the construction and control) led to the in 1903 After the turn of the nineteenth century to the twentieth, the phrase manifest destiny declined in usage, as territorial expansion ceased to be promoted as being a part of America's 'destiny'.
Under President the role of the United States in the New World was defined, in the 1904 to the, as being an 'international police power' to secure American interests in the Western Hemisphere. Roosevelt's corollary contained an explicit rejection of territorial expansion. In the past, manifest destiny had been seen as necessary to enforce the Monroe Doctrine in the Western Hemisphere, but now expansionism had been replaced by as a means of upholding the doctrine.
Manifest Destiny Effects
President continued the policy of interventionism in the Americas, and attempted to redefine both manifest destiny and America's 'mission' on a broader, worldwide scale. Wilson led the United States into with the argument that 'The world must be made safe for democracy.' In his 1920 message to Congress after the war, Wilson stated. I think we all realize that the day has come when Democracy is being put upon its final test. The Old World is just now suffering from a wanton rejection of the principle of democracy and a substitution of the principle of autocracy as asserted in the name, but without the authority and sanction, of the multitude. This is the time of all others when Democracy should prove its purity and its spiritual power to prevail. It is surely the manifest destiny of the United States to lead in the attempt to make this spirit prevail.
This was the only time a president had used the phrase 'manifest destiny' in his annual address. Wilson's version of manifest destiny was a rejection of expansionism and an endorsement (in principle) of, emphasizing that the United States had a mission to be a world leader for the cause of democracy. Vision of itself as the leader of the ' would grow stronger in the 20th century after, although rarely would it be described as 'manifest destiny', as Wilson had done. 'Manifest destiny' is sometimes used by critics of U.S. foreign policy to characterize interventions in the Middle East and elsewhere. In this usage, 'manifest destiny' is interpreted as the underlying cause of what is denounced by some as '. A more positive-sounding phrase devised by scholars at the end of the twentieth century is 'nation building', and State Department official Karin Von Hippel notes that the U.S. Has 'been involved in nation-building and promoting democracy since the middle of the nineteenth century and 'Manifest Destiny '.
Relationship with German Lebensraum ideology German geographer visited North America beginning in 1873 and saw the effects of American manifest destiny. Ratzel sympathized with the results of 'manifest destiny', but he never used the term. Instead he relied on the of. Ratzel promoted overseas colonies for Germany in Asia and Africa, but not an expansion into Slavic lands. Later German publicists misinterpreted Ratzel to argue for the right of the German race to expand within Europe; that notion was later incorporated into Nazi ideology, as. Harriet Wanklyn (1961) argues that Ratzel's theory was designed to advance science, and that politicians distorted it for political goals. See also.
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'Manifest Destiny and the Trans-Mississippi South: Natural Laws and the Extension of Slavery into Mexico'. Journal of Popular Culture. 35 (2): 111–27. Fulltext: Ebsco. Pinheiro, John C (2003).
' 'Religion Without Restriction': Anti-catholicism, All Mexico, and the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo'. Journal of the Early Republic. 23 (1): 69–96. Sampson, Robert D (2002).
'The Pacifist-reform Roots of John L. O'Sullivan's Manifest Destiny'. 84 (1–3): 129–44. Books. Brown, Charles Henry (January 1980). University of North Carolina Press.
Burns, Edward McNall (1957). Rutgers University Press. Cheathem, Mark R. And Terry Corps, eds.
Historical Dictionary of the Jacksonian Era and Manifest Destiny (2nd ed. 2016), 544 pp. Fresonke, Kris (2003). University of California Press. Gould, Lewis L. Regents Press of Kansas.
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Manifestly Uncertain Destiny: The Debate over American Expansionism, 1803–1848. PhD dissertation, Kansas State University, 2011. Merk, Frederick, and Lois Bannister Merk. Manifest Destiny and Mission in American History: A Reinterpretation. New York: Knopf, 1963.
May, Robert E. University of North Carolina Press. Morrison, Michael A.
(August 18, 1999). UNC Press Books. Sampson, Robert (2003). Kent State University Press. Smith, Gene A. Naval Institute Press.
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